Motivational Process free essay sample

Dweck argues that this approach has important implications for practice and the design of interventions to change maladaptive motivational processes. She presents a compelling proposal for explaining motivational influences on gender differences in mathematics achievement and observes that empirically based interventions may prevent current achievement discrepancies. The Editors Most research on effective learning and performance of cognitive tasks analyzes the particular cognitive skills required to succeed at those tasks. In contrast, the focus here is on motivational processes that affect success on cognitive tasks. That is, the focus is on psychological factors, other than ability, that determine how effectively the individual acquires and uses skills. It has long been known that factors other than ability influence whether children seek or avoid challenges, whether they persist or withdraw in the face of difficulty, and whether they use and develop their skills effectively. However, the components and bases of adaptive motivational patterns have been poorly understood. We will write a custom essay sample on Motivational Process or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page As a resuit, commonsense analyses have been limited and have not provided a basis for effective practices. Indeed, many commonsense beliefs have been called into question or seriously qualified by recent researchfor example, the belief that large amounts of praise and success will establish, maintain, or reinstate adaptive patterns, or that brighter children have more adaptive patterns and thus are more likely to choose personally challenging tasks or to persist in the face of difficulty. In the past 10 to 15 years a dramatic hange has taken place in the study of motivation. This change has resulted in a coherent, replicable, and educationally relevant body of findingsand in a clearer understanding of motivational phenomena. During this time, the emphasis has shifted to a social-cognitive approachwaway from external contingencies, on the one hand, and global, internal states on the other. It has shifted to an emphasis on cognitive mediators, that is, to how children construe the situ ation, interpret events in the situation, and process 1040 information about the situation. Although external contingencies and internal affective states are by no means ignored, they are seen as part of a process whose workings are best penetrated by focusing on organizing cognitive variables. Specifically, the social-cognitive approach has allowed us to (a) characterize adaptive and maladaptive patterns, (b) explain them in terms of specific underlying processes, and thus (c) begin to provide a rigorous conceptual and empirical basis for intervention and practice. Adaptive and Maladaptive Motivational Patterns The study of motivation deals with the causes of goaloriented activity (Atkinson, 1964; Beck, 1983; Dollard Miller, 1950; Hull, 1943; Veroff, 1969). Achievement motivation involves a particular class of goalsthose involving competenceand these goals appear to fall into two classes: (a) learning goals, in which individuals seek to increase their competence, to understand or master something new, and (b) performance goals, in which individuals seek to gain favorable judgments of their competence or avoid negative judgments of their competence (Dweck Elliott, 1983; NichoUs, 1984; Nicholls Dweck, 1979). Adaptive motivational patterns are those that promote the establishment, maintenance, and attainment of personally challenging and personally valued achievement goals. Maladaptive patterns, then, are associated with a failure to establish reasonable, valued goals, to maintain effective striving toward those goals, or, ultimately, to attain valued goals that are potentially within ones reach. Research has clearly documented adaptive and maladaptive patterns of achievement behavior. The adaptive (mastery-oriented) pattern is characterized by challenge seeking and high, effective persistence in the face of obstacles. Children displaying this pattern appear to enjoy exerting effort in the pursuit of task mastery. In contrast, the maladaptive (helpless) pattern is characterized by challenge avoidance and low persistence in the face of difficulty. Children displaying this pattern tend to evidence negative affect (such as anxiety) and negative self-cogniCorrespondenceconcerningthis article shouldbe addressedto CarolS. Dweck,Departmentof Psychology,UniversityofIllinois, 603 E. Daniel, Champaign, IL 61820. l The wordperformancewill be used in severalways,not only in connection with performancegoals. It will alsobe used to refer to the childs task activity(performanceof a task) and to the product of that activity (levelof performance). The meaning should be clear from the context. October 1986 9 American Psychologist Copyrisht 1986 by the American PsychologicalAssociation, Inc. 0003-066X/86/$00. 75 Vol. 41, No. 10, 1040-1048 Table 1 Achievement Goals and Achievement Behavior Theory of intelligence Goal orientation Confidence in present ability Behavior pattern Entity theory (Intelligence is fixed) gt; Performance goal (Goal is to gain positive judgments/avoid negative judgments of competence) If high gt; Mastery-oriented Seek challenge but High persistence If low ~ Helpless Avoid challenge Low persistence gt; Learning goal Incremental theory (Intelligence is malleable) (Goal is to increase competence) If high gt; Mastery-oriented ioOr ~ Seek challenge (that fosters learning) High persistence tions when they confront obstacles (e. g. , Ames, 1984; C. Diener Dweck, 1978, 1980; Dweck Reppucci, 1973; Nicholls, 1975). Although children displaying the different patterns do not differ in intellectual ability, these patterns can have profound effects on cognitive performance. In experiments conducted in both laboratory and classroom settings, it has been shown that children with the maladaptive pattern are seriously hampered in the acquisition and display of cognitive skills when they meet obstacles. Children with the adaptive pattern, by contrast, seem undaunted or even seem to have their performance facilitated by the increased challenge. If not ability, then what are the bases of these patterns? Most recently, research has suggested that childrens goals in achievement situations differentially foster the two patterns. That is, achievement situations afford a choice of goals, and the one the child preferentially adopts predicts the achievement pattern that child will display. Table 1 summarizes the conceptualization that is emerging from the research. BasieaUy, childrens theories of intelligence appear to orient them toward different goals: Children who believe intelligence is a fixed trait tend to orient toward gaining favorable judgments of that trait (performance goals), whereas children who believe intelligence is a malleable quality tend to orient toward developing that quality (learning goals). The goals then appear to set up the different behavior patterns. 2 effort. Further, this research shows how a focus on ability judgments can result in a tendency to avoid and withdraw from challenge, whereas a focus on progress through effort creates a tendency to seek and be energized by challenge. Although relatively few studies as yet have explicitly induced and compared (or measured and compared) learning versus performance goals (see M. Bandura Dweck, 1985; Elliott Dweck, 1985; FarreU Dweck, 1985; Leggett, 1985, 1986), many have manipulated the salience and value of performance goals, and hence the relative value of the two types of goals. This has been done, for example, by instituting a competitive versus individual reward structure (e. g. , Ames, 1984; Ames, Ames, Felker, 1977), by varying the alleged diagnosticity of the task vis vis important abilities (e. g. , Nicholls, 1975), by introducing an audience or evaluator versus allowing the individual to perform privately or focusing his or her attention on the task (e. . , Brockner Hulton, 1978; Carver Scheier, 1981; E. Diener SruU, 1979), and by presenting the task with test instructions versus game or neutral instructions (e. g. , Entin Raynor, 1973; Lekarczyk Hill, 1969; McCoy, 1965; Sarason, 1972). Taken together, the results suggest that highlighting performance goals relative to learning goals can have the following effects on achievement behavior. Goals and Task Choice Learning and Performance Goals Contrasted How and why do the different goals foster the different patterns? How do they shape task choice and task pursuit to facilitate or impede cognitive performance? The research reviewed below indicates that with performance goals, the entire task choice and pursuit process is built around childrens concerns about their ability level. In contrast, with learning goals the choice and pursuit processes involve a focus on progress and mastery through 2 See M. Bandura and Dweck (1985), Dweck and Elliott (1983), and Leggett (1985) for a more extensive treatment of childrens theories of intelligence. The present article will focus on achievement goals and their allied behavior patterns. Appropriately challenging tasks are often the ones that are best for utilizing and increasing ones abilities. Recent research has shown that performance goals work against the pursuit of challenge by requiring that childrens perceptions of their ability be high (and remain high) before the children will desire a challenging task (M. Bandura Dweck, 1985; Elliott Dweck, 1985). That is, if the goal is to obtain a favorable judgment of ability, then children need to be certain their ability is high before displaying it for judgment. Otherwise, they will choose tasks that conceal their ability or protect it from negative evaluation. For example, when oriented toward performance goals, individuals with low assessments of their ability are often found to choose personally easy tasks on which success is ensured or excessively difficult ones on 1041 October 1986 9 American Psychologist which failure does not signify low ability (M. Bandura Dweck, 1985; Elliott Dweck, 1985; see also deCharms Carpenter, 1968; Moulton, 1965; Nicholls, 1984; Raynor Smith, 1966). Even individuals with high assessments of their ability may sacrifice learning opportunities (that involve risk of errors) for opportunities to look smart (Elliott Dweck, 1985; see Covington, 1983). Thus, performance goals appear to promote defensive strategies that can interfere with challenge seeking. With learning goals, however, even if childrens assessment of their present ability is low, they will tend to choose challenging tasks that foster learning (M. Bandura Dweck, 1985; Elliott Dweck, 1985). Specifically, in studies by EUiott and Dweck (1985), in which learning and performance goals were experimentally manipulated, and by M. Bandura and Dweck (1985), in which learning and performance goals were assessed, children with learning goals chose challenging tasks regardless of whether they believed themselves to have high or low ability (see also Meyer, Folkes, Weiner, 1976; Nicholls, 1984). Thus with a learning goal, children are willing to risk displays of ignorance in order to acquire skills and knowledge. Instead of calculating their exact ability level and how it will be judged, they can think more about the value of the skill to be developed or their interest in the task to be undertaken. Goals and Task Pursuit Outcome interpretation and impact. Although within a performance goal childrens confidence in their ability needs to remain high to sustain task involvement, that confidence is difficult to maintain. Research shows that children with performance goals are more likely to interpret negative outcomes in terms of their ability. That is, they attribute errors or failures to a lack of ability (Ames, 1984; Ames et al. , 1977; Elliott Dweck, 1985) and view them as predictive of continued failure (Anderson Jennings, 1980). This in turn tends to result in defensive withdrawal of effort or debilitation in the face of obstacles (Covington Omelich, 1979; Elliott Dweck, 1985; Frankl Snyder, 1978; Nicholls, 1976, 1984; see also Berglas Jones, 1970; Weiner, 1972, 1974). In contrast, children with learning goals tend to use obstacles as a cue to increase their effort or to analyze and vary their strategies (Ames, 1984; Ames et al. 1977; Elliott Dweck, 1985; Leggett, 1986; Nicholls, 1984), which often results in improved performance in the face of obstacles. That is, the more children focus on learning or progress, the greater the likelihood of maintaining effective strategies (or improving their strategies) under difficulty or failure (A. Bandura Schunk, 1981; Elliott Dweck, 1985; Farrell Dweck, 1985; see also Anderson Jennings, 1980; C. Diener Dweck, 1978). Satisfaction with outcomes. Once again, within the performance goal versus learning goal framework, the focus is on ability versus effort. For performance-goal children, satisfaction with outcomes is based on the ability they believe they have displayed, whereas for learninggoal children, satisfaction with outcomes is based on the 1042 effort they have exerted in pursuit of the goal. Ames et al. (1977), for example, found that with an autonomous reward structure (learning goal), childrens pride in their performance in both the success and the failure conditions was related to the degree of effort they perceived themselves to have exerted. However, within the competitive reward structure (performance goal), pride in performance was related to the degree of ability (and luck) they believed themselves to have. Thus, failure within a performance goal, because it signifies low ability, yields little basis for personal pride or satisfaction. Indeed, within a performance goal, high effort may be negatively related to satisfaction: Leggett (1986) showed that children with performance goals are significantly more likely than children with learning goals to view effort per se as indicative of low ability (see also Jagacinski Nicholls, 1982; Surber, 1984). Findings by M. Bandura and Dweck (1985) also support the differential emphasis on effort versus ability as the basis for satisfaction within learning and performance goals. When asked to indicate their affective reactions to low-effort mastery, children with learning goals were more likely than children with performance goals to choose bored or disappointed as opposed to proud or relieved. Finally, within a performance framework, childrens own outcome satisfaction and that of their peers may be in conflict. Results from the Ames et al. 1977) study are consonant with this view. Childrens own satisfaction and perceived others satisfaction with performance were negatively correlated under the competitive reward structure (-. 70) but not in the autonomous reward structure (. 06), even though their relative outcomes were identical in the two conditions. In addition, in rating how deserving of rewards (stars) both persons were, given their level of performance, children were more magnanim ous toward the poorer performer (whether it was self or other) in the noncompetitive condition than they were in the competitive one. Indeed, in the noncompetitive condition, they even awarded the losing other slightly more stars than they awarded themselves. Intrinsic motivation. It has been noted that persistence in the face of obstacles is made more difficult within a performance goal because obstacles tend to cast doubt on the childs ability and hence to call into question goal attainment (favorable ability judgments). Persistence is also made more difficult by the fact that intrinsic motivational factorssuch as task interest or the enjoyment of effortmay be more difficult to access within a performance goal. That is, effort in the face of uncertainty appears to be experienced as aversive for children with performance goals, and worry about goal attainment may well overwhelm any intrinsic interest the task may hold for the child (Ames et al. , 1977; M. Bandura Dweck, 1985; Elliott Dweck, 1985). Indeed, performance goals may well create the very conditions that have been found to undermine intrinsic interest (Deci Ryan, 1980; Lepper, 1980; Lepper Greene, 1978; Maehr Stallings, 1972; Ryan, Mires, Koestner, 1983). October 1986 9 American Psychologist In concluding this section on goal orientation and task pursuit, we might ask: Do childrens goal orientations play a role in what and how they actually learn in classroom settings? One of the hallmarks of effective learning (and of intelligent thinking) is the tendency to apply or transfer what one has learned to novel tasks that embody similar underlying principles. In a recent study, Farrell and Dweck (1985) examined the relationship between childrens goal orientations and transfer of learning. As a week-long unit in their regular science classes, eighth-grade children were taught one of three scientific principles by means of self-instructional booklets. They were then tested for their generalization of this learning to tasks involving the two (conceptually related) principles that had not been taught. The results showed that children who had learning goals for the unit, compared to those who had performance goals, (a) attained significantly higher scores on the transfer test (and this was true for children who had high and low pretest scores); (b) roduced about 50% more work on their transfer tests, suggesting that they were more active in the transfer process; and (c) produced more rulegenerated answers on the test even when they failed to reach the transfer criterion, again suggesting more active attempts to apply what they had learned to the solution of novel problems. To summarize, a performance goal focuses children on issues of ability. Within this goal, childrens c onfidence in their current ability must be high and must remain high if they are to choose appropriately challenging tasks and pursue them in effective ways. Yet the same focus on ability makes their confidence in their ability fragile-even the mere exertion of effort calls ability into question. A strong orientation toward this goal can thus create a tendency to avoid challenge, to withdraw from challenge, or to show impaired performance in the face of challenge. Ironically, then, an overconcern with ability may lead children to shun the very tasks that foster its growth. In contrast, a learning goal focuses children on effort-effort as a means of utilizing or activating their ability, of surmounting obstacles, and of increasing their ability. Not only is effort perceived as the means to accomplishment, it is also the factor that engenders pride and satisfaction with performance. The adoption of learning goals thus encourages children to explore, initiate, and pursue tasks that promote intellectual growth. The Relation of Ability and Motivation Does Ability Predict Motivational Patterns? One might suppose that children who had the highest IQ scores, achievement test scores, and grades would be the ones who had by far the highest expectancies for future test scores and grades, as well as for performance on novel experimental tasks. Surprisingly often, this is not the case. In fact, one of the things that makes the study of motivation particularly intriguing is that measures of childrens actual competence do not strongly predict their confidence of future attainment (M. Bandura Dweck, October 1986 9 American Psychologist 1985; Crandall, 1969; Stipek Hoffman, 1980; see also Phillips, 1984). Indeed, M. Bandura and Dweck found that their low-confidence children tended to have somewhat higher achievement test scores than their high-confidence group. Interestingly, the low-confidence children did not have poorer opinions of their past attainment or abilities but faced the upcoming task with low expectancies of absolute and relative performance. One might also suppose that high-achieving children would be much less likely than low achievers, when encountering an obstacle, to attribute their difficulty to a lack of ability and to show deteriorated performance. But this supposition, too, is often contradicted by the evidence (e. g. , Licht Dweck, 1984; Stipek Hoffman, 1980; see also C. Diener Dweck, 1978, 1980). A tendency toward unduly low expectancies (CrandaU, 1969; Stipek Hoffman, 1980), challenge avoidance (Licht, Linden, Brown, Sexton, 1984; see also Leggett, 1985), ability attributions for failure (Licht Shapiro, 1982; Nicholls, 1979), and debilitation under failure (Licht et al. , 1984; Licht Dweck, 1984) has been especially noted in girls, particularly bright girls. 3 Indeed, some researchers have found a negative correlation for girls between their actual ability and these maladaptive patterns (Crandall, 1969; Licht et al. , 1984; Licht Dweck, 1984; Licht Shapiro, 1982; Stipek Hoffman, 1980). An extensive study of sex differences in achievement cognitions and responses to failure recently completed by Licht et al. (1984) yields illustrative evidence. On the basis of their grades, Licht divided her subjects into A, B, C, and D students and, among other measures, administered a novel concept formation task. A significant sex difference was found among the A students (and only among the A students) in their response to failure, with the A girls showing the greatest debilitation of the eight groups and the A boys being the only group to show any facilitation. In addition, Licht found a strong sex difference in task preferences between A girls and A boys: The A girls much preferred tasks they knew they were good at, whereas A boys preferred ones they would have to work harder to master. It is also interesting to note that in Leggetts (1985) study of bright junior high school students, there was a greater tendency for girls than boys to subscribe to an entity theory of intelligence (smartness as a fixed trait, a static entity) and for those who did to choose a performance goal that avoided challenge. Again, it is not the case that these girls are unaware of their attainments (Licht Dweck, 1984; Nicholls, 1979; Parsons, Meece, Adler, Kaczala, 1982), but knowledge of past successes does not appear to arm them for confrontations with future challenges. For example, in a study by Licht and Dweck (1984) that examined the 3It is important to note that sex differences,like most individual differences,are by no means found in everystudy. However,when sex differencesare found,the sameonesare typicallyfound. Thus,the pattern describedis a recurrent one that has been foundin many studiesfrom many differentlaboratories. 1043 impact of initial confusion (vs. no confusion) on subsequent learning, high-achieving girls rated themselves as being bright but still showed greater debilitation than lowachieving girls. Whereas in the no-confusion condition, the brighter the girl (by her own self-rating and by IQ score), the more likely she was to master the new material (r = . 7), in the confusion condition, the brighter the girl, the less likely she was to reach the mastery criterion (r = -. 38, Paifflt; . 02). (For boys in this study the correlation between self-rated ability and task performance tended to increase from the no-confusion to the confusion condition: rs . 15 and . 34, respectively. ) In short, being a high achiever and knowing one has done well in the past does not appear to translate directly into high confidence in ones abilities when faced with future challenges or current difficu lties. Nor does it clearly predict the maintenance of ones ability to perform or learn under these conditions. It is apparent, then, that a maladaptive motivational pattern is not the sole province of the low-achieving, failure-prone child. Does Motivational Pattern Predict Ability Over Time? If there is a sizable proportion of high achievers with maladaptive motivational patterns (see Phillips, 1984), and if these patterns are important to achievement, then why are these children still high achievers? Drops in achievement can result from performance debilitation or task avoidance. That is, both the presence of failure or the opportunity to avoid challenging subject areas may lead to cumulative skill deficits in children with maladaptive patterns. For good students, grade school may not provide either of these. It may present neither tasks that are difficult enough to create failure and debilitation nor the choice of not pursuing a given subject area. For these reasons, maladaptive patterns may not yet typically come into play. Licht and Dweck (1984) showed, however, in an experiment conducted in classrooms, that when confusion does accompany the initial attempt to learn new material, mastery of the material is seriously impaired for these children. It may be that only in subsequent school years will these maladaptive tendencies have their impact on achievement, when children with these patterns may elect to avoid challenging courses of study, drop out of courses that pose a threat of failure, or show impairment of performance under real difficulty. Thus, our experimental studies may create conditions that good students will encounter fully only in later years but that reveal underlying patterns already in place in the grade school years. In the following section, sex differences in motivational patterns and achievement are used as a means of exploring the ways in which motivational patterns can affect achievement, and ability, over time. The Case of Sex Differences in Mathematical Versus Verbal Achievement Discrepancies between males and females in mathematical and verbal achievement have long been a source of puzzlement and concern. Although in the grade school 1044 years girls equal boys in mathematical achievement (and surpass them in verbal achievement), during the junior high and high school years, boys pull ahead and remain ahead in mathematical achievement (Donlon, Ekstrom Lockheed, 1976; Fennema Sherman, 1977; Hilton Berglund, 1974; Maccoby Jacklin, 1974). A wide assortment of explanations has been advanced, ranging from claims about the nature of the genetic equipment (Benbow Stanley, 1980) to arguments about the impact of sex role stereotypes (Sherman Fennema, 1977). Without ruling out other explanations, one can add a motivational explanation based on the research findings reviewed above. Specifically, the fact that the two sexes often display different motivational patterns and the fact that the academic subject areas in question differ in major ways aside from the skills they require suggest that perhaps motivational patterns contribute to these achievement discrepancies. This suggestion is made even more plausible when one considers that (a) sex differences in mathematical achievement are greatest among the brightest students (Astin, 1974; Fox, 1976) and (b) sex ifferences in motivational patterns and associated behavior appear to be greatest among the brightest students. As noted above, bright girls compared to bright boys (and compared to less bright girls) seem to display shakier expectancies, lower preference for novel or challenging tasks, more frequent failure attributions to lack of ability, and more frequent debilitation in the face o f failure or confusion (Licht et al. , 1984; Licht Dweck, 1984; Stipek Hoffman, 1980). Moreover, some characteristics of mathematical versus verbal areas are precisely those that would work against individuals with this pattern but that would favor individuals with the more confident, challengeseeking pattern (see Licht Dweck, 1984, for a more detailed discussion of these characteristics). Specifically, new units and courses in mathematics, particularly after the grade school years, tend to involve new skills, new concepts, or even entirely new conceptual frameworks (for example, algebra, geometry, calculus). These new skills and concepts are not only different from but are often more difficult than those the child has mastered in the past. In the verbal areas, however, once the basic skills of reading and writing are mastered, one does not as typically encounter leaps to qualitatively different tasks, tasks requiring mastery of completely unfamiliar verbal skills. Increments in difficulty appear to be more gradual, and new units or courses often simply ask the student to bring existing skills to bear on new material. This general difference between mathematical and verbal areas may have several important psychological consequences. For one thing, as children ponder future math courses, the greater novelty and difficulty of the future courses compared to present ones would be expected to precipitate declines in confidence for bright girls, but not for bright boys. Indeed, in the study cited above, Parsons et al. (1982) found significant sex differences in expectancies for future math courses even when females October 1986 9 American Psychologist nd males were equivalent in their perceptions of their present mathematical ability and in their expectancies for their present math courses. Task preference data as well suggest that a greater discrepancy between present and future tasks in mathematical versus verbal areas may render math less appealing to bright gifts, but perhaps more appealing to bright boys. Bright girls, it will be recalled, tend to prefer tasks they are fairly certain hey are good a t and can do well on, whereas bright boys are more attracted to tasks that pose some challenge to mastery (Licht et al. , 1984; see also Leggett, 1985). Yet another consequence of this proposed mathverbal difference is that in math, children are more likely to experience failure or confusion at the beginning of a new unit or course. This might be expected to produce debilitation (or escape attempts, such as course-dropping) in bright girls but perseverance in bright boys. And, indeed, support for this prediction of differential debilitation comes from the Licht and Dweck (1984) study, described earlier, in which confusion (or no confusion) attended the introduction of new subject matter, and from the Licht et al. (1984) study in which obstacles were encountered in the acquisition of a new skill. In both cases, bright girls showed the most impairment and bright boys the most facilitation. In short, mathematics appears to differ from verbal areas in ways that would make it more compatible with the motivational patterns of bright boys and less compatible with those of bright girls. Thus, given two children with equal mathematical aptitude and mathematical achievement in the grade school years, but with differing motivational patterns, we would predict precisely the sex differences in course taking and long-term achievement that are found to occur (Donlon et al. , 1976; Fennema Sherman, 1977; Hilton Berglund, 1974). With increasing age, children make increasingly consequential decisions, and maladaptive patterns may begin to impair their achievement and constrict their future choices. Maladaptive patterns such as those displayed by bright girls may even fail to foster intellectual growth in general. In a 38-year longitudinal study of IQ change (measured at mean ages of 4. 1, 13. 8, 29. 7, and 41. 6), Kangas and Bradway (1971) found that for males the higher the preadult level, the more they gained in later years, whereas for females the higher the preadult level, the less they gained in later years. In fact, of the six groups in the study (males and females with high, medium, and low preadult IQs), all showed surprisingly large gains over the years (between 15 and 30 points) except the high-IQ females, who showed little gain (about 5 points). Although there are many possible interpretations of these results, the general picture suggests that bright females, compared to bright males, are not thriving. Our analysis suggests that appropriate motivational interventions may help prevent some of the achievement discrepancies between the sexes. Let us turn, then, to the experiences or interventions that appear to foster adaptive motivational patterns. October 1986 9 American Psychologist Experiences That Foster Adaptive Patterns The question for motivational interventions is: What are we aiming for and how do we get there? When one considers the necessity for, but the vulnerability of, confidence within a performance goal framework, one is led to the position that challenge seeking and persistence are better facilitated by attempts to foster a learning goal orientation than by attempts to instill confidence within a performance framework. Nonetheless, much current educational practice alms at creating high-confidence performers and attempts to do so by programming frequent success and praise. (See Brown, Palincsar, Purcell, 1984, for a discussion of this issue. How did this situation arise? I propose that misreading# of two popular phenomena may have merged to produce this approach. First was the growing belief in positive reinforcement (interpreted as frequent praise for small units of behavior) as the way to promote desirable behavior. Yet a deeper understanding of the principles of reinforcement would not lead one to expect that frequent praise for short, easy tasks would create a desire for long, challenging ones or promote persistence in the face of failure. On the contrary, continuous reinforcement schedules are associated with poor resistance to extinction, and errorless learning, as evidenced by Terraces (1969) renowned pigeons, has been found to produce bizarre emotional responses following nonreinforcement. Second was a growing awareness of teacher expectancy effects. As is well known, the teacher expectancy effect refers to the phenomenon whereby teachers impressions about students ability (e. g. manipulated via test information) actually affect students performance, such that the students performance falls more in line with the teachers expectancies (Rosenthal Jacobson, 1968). The research on this self-fulfilling prophecy raised serious concerns that teachers were hampering the intellectual achievement of children they labeled as having low ability. One remedy was thought to lie in making low-ability children feel like high-ability children by means of a high success rate. In light of the implications that were drawn from teacher xpectancy effects, it is interesting to contrast them with the views of the original researchers (see, e. g. , Rosenthal, 1971, 1974; Rosenthal Jacobson, 1968). Unlike many of their followers, they appeared to frame their work within (and provide teachers with) an incremental theory of intelligence. Specifically, in the Rosenthai and Jacobson (1968) study, teachers were told that the test for intellectual blooming indicated that the target children would show remarkable gains in intellectual competence during the school year. Moreover, when hypothesizing possible mechanisms through which gains were produced, the original researchers thought in terms of teachers having stimulated intellectual growth through challenge. And, in reviewing work on undesirable expectancy effects, they lamented that lows seemed to be given too little work, and work that was too easy, to spur cognitive gains (Rosenthal, 1971). (See also, Brown et al. , 1045 1984, who argued cogently that it is not ill treatment, but a failure to teach the necessary high-level skills, that accounts for much of the achievement deficit of low-reading groups. Thus, these original researchers were oriented toward producing intellectual growth in children rather than simply giving children an illusion of intelligence. The motivational research is clear in indicating that continued success on personally easy tasks (or even on difficult tasks within a performance framework) is ineffective in producing stable confidence, challenge seeking, and persistence (Dweck, 1975; Relich, 1983). Indeed, such procedures have sometimes been found to backfire by producing lower confidence in ability (Meyer, 1982; Meyer et al, 1979). Rather, the procedures that bring about more adaptive motivational patterns are the ones that incorporate challenge, and even failure, within a learning-oriented context and that explicitly address underlying motivational mediators (Andrews Debus, 1978; A. Bandura Schunk, 1981; Covington, 1983; Dweck, 1975; Fowler Peterson, 1981; Relich, 1983; Rhodes, 1977; Schunk, 1982). For example, retraining childrens attributions for failure (teaching them to attribute their failures to effort or strategy instead of ability) has been shown to produce sizable changes in persistence in the face of failure, changes that persist over time and generalize across tasks (Andrews Debus, 1978; Dweck, 1975; Fowler Peterson, 1981; Relich, 1983; Rhodes, 1977). Thus far, only short-term experimental manipulations of childrens goal orientations have been attempted (Ames, 1984; Ames et al. , 1977; Elliott Dweck, 1985). Although these goal manipulations have been successful in producing the associated motivational patterns, much research remains to be conducted on how best to produce lasting changes in goal orientation. To date, motivational interventions, such as attribution retraining, have been conducted primarily with less successful students (those who display both a lag in skill level and a maladaptive response to difficulty). Yet, the earlier discussion suggests that some of the brightest students, who in grade school as yet show little or no obvious impairment in the school environment, may be prime candidates for such motivational interventions. Among these are children (e. g. , bright girls) who have had early, consistent, and abundant success yet, despite this (or perhaps even because of this), do not relish the presence or the prospect of challenge. implications for practice and ameliorative interventions. Indeed, ways ofappropriately incorporating issues ofselfconcept into education have long been sought. The social-cognitive approach, by identifying particular selfconceptions (e. g. childrens theories of their intelligence) and by detailing their relationship to behavior, may well provide the means. In addition, there is growing evidence that the conceptualization presented here is relevant not only to effectiveness on cognitive tasks but also to effectiveness in social arenas. For example, childrens attributions for social outcomes predict whether they respond adaptively to rejection (Goetz Dweck, 1980), and childrens social goals are related to their popularity among their classmates (Taylor Asher, 1985). Thus the present approach may illuminate adaptive and maladaptive patterns in diverse areas of childrens lives and may thereby provide a basis for increasingly effective socialization and instructional practices across these areas. REFERENCES Ames, C. (1984). Achievementattributions and self-instructionsunder competitiveand individualisticgoal structures. Journal of Educational Psychology, 76, 478-487. Ames,C. , Ames,R. , Felker,D. W, (1977). Effectsof competitivereward structure and valence of outcome on childrens achievementattributions. Journal of Educational Psychology, 69, 1-8. Anderson, C. A. , Jennings, D. L. (1980). When experiencesof failure promote expectationsof success: The impact of attributing failureto ineffectivestrategies. Journal of Personality, 48, 393-407. Andrews, G. R. , Debus, R. L. (1978). Persistence and the causal perceptions of failure: Modifyingcognitiveattributions. Journal of Educational Psychology, 70, 154-166. Astin, H. (1974). Sexdifferencesin scientificand mathematicalprecocity. In J. C. Stanley, D. P. Keating, L. H. Fox (Eds. ), Mathematical talent: Discovery,descriptionand development. Baltimore,MD Johns Hopkins UniversityPress. Atkinson, J. W. (1964). An introduction to motivation. Princeton, NJ: Van Nostrand. Bandura, A. , Schunk, D. H. (1981). Cultivating competence, selfefficacy, and intrinsic interest through proximal self-motivation. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 41, 586-598. Bandura, M. , Dweek, C. S. (1985). Self-conceptions and motivation: Conceptions of intelligence, choice of achievement goals, and patterns of cognition, affect, and behavior. Manuscript submitted for publi- Summary and Conclusion Motivational processes have been shown to affect (a) how well children can deploy their existing skills and knowledge, (b) how well they acquire new skills and knowledge, and (c) how well they transfer these new skills and knowledge to novel situations. This approach does not deny individual differences in present skills and knowledge or in native ability or aptitude. It does suggest, however, that the use and growth of that ability can be appreciably influenced by motivational factors. The social-cognitive approach, with its emphasis on specific mediating processes, has generated important 1046 cation. Beck,R. C. (1983). Motivation: Theoriesand principles. EnglewoodCliffs, NJ: Prentice-HaU. Benbow,C. P. , Stanley,J; C. (1980). Sex differencesin mathematics ability: Fact or artifact. Science, 10. 1262-1264. Berglas, S. , Jones, E. E. (1970). Drug choice as a self-handicapping strategyin responseto noncontingentsuccess. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 36, 405-417. Brockner,J. , Hulton,A. J. B. (1978). How to reversethe viciouscycle of low self-esteem:The importance of attentional focus. Journal of Experimental Psychology 14, 564-578. Brown,A. L. , Palincsar,A. S. , Purcell,L. (1984). Poor readers:Teach dont label. In U. Neisser(Ed. ), The academicperformanceof minority children: A new perspective. Hillsdale,NJ: Erlbaum. Carver, C. S. , Scheier,M. F. (1981). Attention and self-regulation: A control-theoryapproach to human behavior. NewYork:Springer. Verlag. Covington, M. V. (1983). Strategicthinking and the fear of failure. In S. E Chipman, J. Segal, R. Glaser (Eds. ), Thinking and learning skills: Current research and open questions (Voi. 2). Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum. Covington, M. V. , Omelich, C. L. (1979). Effort:The double-edged October 1986 9 American Psychologist sword in school achievement. Journal of Educational Psychology, 71, 169-182. Crandall, V. C. (1969). Sex differences in expectancy of intellectual and academic reinforcement. In C. P. Smith (Ed. ), Achievement-related motives in children. New York: Russell Sage. deCharms, R. , Carpenter, V. ( 1968). Measuring motivation in culturally disadvantaged school children. In H. J. Klausmeier, G. T. OHearn (Eds. ), Research and developmenttoward the improvement of education. Madison, WI: Dembar Educational Services. Deci, E. L. , Ryan, R. M. (1980). The empirical exploration of intrinsic motivational processes. In L. Berkowitz (Ed. , Advances in experimental social psychology (Vol. 13). New York: Academic Press. Diener, C. I. , Dweck, C. S. (1978). An analysis of learned helplessness: Continuous changes in performance, strategy, and achievement cognitions following failure. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 36, 451-462. Diener, C. I. , Dweck, C. S. (1980). An analysis of learned helplessness: II. The pro cessing of success. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 39, 940-952. Diener, E. , Srull, T. K. (1979). Self-awareness, psychological perspecfive, and self-reinforcement in relation to personal and social standards. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 37, 413-423. Dollard, J. , Miller, N. E. (1950). Personality and psychotherapy. New York: McGraw-Hill. Donlon, T. , Ekstrom, R. , Lockheed, M. (1976, September). Comparing the sexes on achievement items of varying content. Paper presented at the meeting of the American Psychological Association, Washington, DC. Dweck, C. S. (1975). The role of expectations and attributions in the alleviation of learned helplessness. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 31, 674-685. Dweck, C. S. , Elliott, E. S. (1983). Achievement motivation. In E. M. Hetherington (Ed. , Socialization, personality, and social development. New York: Wiley. Dweck, C. S. , Reppucci, N. D. (1973). Learned helplessness and reinforcement responsibility in children. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 25, 109-116. Elliott, E. , Dweck, C. S. (1985). Goals: An approach to motivation and achievement. Manuscript submitted for publication. Entin, E. E. , Rayn or, J. O. (1973). Effects of contingent future orientation and achievement motivation on performance in two kinds of tasks. Journal of Experimental Research in Personality, 6, 320341. Farrell, E. , Dweck, C. (1985). The role of motivational processes in transfer of learning. Manuscript submitted for publication. Fennema, E. , Sherman, J. (1977). Sex-related differences in mathematics achievement, spatial visualization, and affective factors. American Educational Research Journal, 14, 51-71. Fowler, J. W. , Peterson, P. L. (1981). Increasing reading persistence and altering attributional style of learned helpless children. Journal of Educational Psychology, 73, 251-260. Fox, L. (1976). Sex differences in mathematical precocity: Bridging the gap. In D. P. Keating (Ed. ), Intellectual talent: Research and development. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press. Frankl, A. , Snyder, M. L. (1978). Poor performance following unsolvable problems: Learned helplessness or egotism? Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 36, 1415-1423. Goetz, T, Dweek, C. (1980). Learned helplessness in social situations. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 39, 246-255. Hilton, T. , Berglund, G. (1974). Sex differences in mathematics aehievementA longitudinal study. Journal of Education Research, 67, 231-237. Hull, C. L. (1943). Principles of behavior. New York: Appleton-CenturyCrofts. Jagacinski, C. M. Nieholls, J. G. (1982, March). Concepts of ability. Paper presented at the meeting of the American Educational Research Association, New York. Kangas, J. , Bradway, K. (1971). Intelligence at middle age: A thirtyeight year follow-up. Developmental Psychology, 5, 333-337. Leggett, E. (1985, March). Childrens entity and incremental theories of intelligence: Relationships to achievement behavior. Pape r presented at the meeting of the Eastern Psychological Association, Boston. Leggett, E. (1986, April). Individual differences in effort-ability inference rules: Implications for causaljudgments. Paper presented at the meeting of the Eastern Psychological Association, New York. Lekarczyk, D. T. , Hill, K. T. (1969). Self-esteem, test anxiety, stress and verbal learning. Developmental Psychology, 1, 147-154. Lopper, M. R. (1980). Intrinsic and extrinsic motivation in children: Detrimental effects of superfluous social controls. In W. A. Collins (Ed. ), Minnesota Symposium on Child Psychology (Vol. 14). Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum. Lopper, M. R. , Greene, D. (Eds. ) (1978). The hidden costs of reward: New perspectives on the psychology of human motivation. Hillsdale, N J: Erlbaum. Licht, B. G. , Dweck, C.

5 Types of Conditionals

5 Types of Conditionals 5 Types of Conditionals 5 Types of Conditionals By Mark Nichol When crafting â€Å"If (this), then (that)† statements, note that several varieties exist, distinguished by tense and probability. This post describes, with examples, various types of conditional statements. â€Å"Zero conditional† pertains to things that occur in the natural course of events: â€Å"If a person stands out in the rain, he or she gets wet.† Both the main clause (â€Å"he or she gets wet†) and the subordinate clause â€Å"if a person stands out in the rain†) are written in the present simple tense. The first conditional is a form of sentences in which the first clause includes if and a present simple-statement, followed by a future-simple statement in the second clause. By comparison, a second conditional follows the past simple with would and the infinitive. The distinction is that first conditionals are likely but not certain to happen, as in â€Å"If I talk to him, I will remind him,† while a second conditional describes something unlikely to occur, as in â€Å"If he showed some initiative, he would get a raise,† or something that is impossible, as in â€Å"If I could go back in time, I would do things differently.† A third conditional, by contrast, uses the past perfect and the past participle to describe something that did not occur in the past and therefore will never happen (at least, that iteration of the occurrence will never happen, although a repeat attempt might succeed), as in â€Å"If she had remembered to set her alarm, she would have gotten to school on time.† Beware of writing conditional sentences in which an if statement posed in the present-simple tense is followed by a statement that is true regardless of the conditional established in the previous clause, as in â€Å"If you want to get a great burrito, my favorite taqueria is next to the movie theater downtown.† The writer’s favorite taqueria is in the stated location regardless of the desires of the recipient of the communication, so the conditional form is not appropriate here; it would be better to write, â€Å"If you want to get a great burrito, go to my favorite taqueria, next to the movie theater downtown.† Want to improve your English in five minutes a day? Get a subscription and start receiving our writing tips and exercises daily! Keep learning! Browse the Style category, check our popular posts, or choose a related post below:25 Subordinating ConjunctionsThe Four Sounds of the Spelling OUParataxis and Hypotaxis

Email to Mr.Hayward Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Email to Mr.Hayward - Essay Example The study tries to find and analyze the factors of alternative monitors of potential romantic partners. With a small sample of 76 people who are in some committed romantic relationship, Niehuis draws on from the literature the most probable predictors that motivate infidelity in the partners. These predictors are categorized into three categories: qualities that partners bring into the relationship (e.g. permissive sexual values, low conscientiousness, low emotional stability etc.); inter-personal feelings and behavior towards each other in the relationship (e.g. lack of trust, lack of commitment and love etc.); and impact of social network (e.g. how the friends, relatives feel about the relationship and its impact). The sample comprised of equal numbers of male and female participants with an average age of 22 for men and 21 for women. The researcher used McCrae and Costas (1985) Big Five Fersonality measure to rate their own and perception of their partner’s personality. Braiker and Kelleys (1979) Love, Conflict, and Ambivalence scales were used for evaluating the strength of their love in varying situations. Felmlee, Sprecher, and Bassins (1990) 6-item Social Support Scale was used for looking at the extent to which others’ views influence the relationship. Stanley and Markmans (1992) Dedication Commitment, Availability of Fartners, Structural Investment, Social Fressure, and Altemative Monitoring scales were used to evaluate the degree of these characteristics within the partners. Use of Larzelere & Huston’s (1980) dyadic trust scale greatly facilitated to gauge the degree of influence of these predictors in infidelity. Hierarchical regression analysis was carried out wi th gender as control variable. The study found that interpersonal feelings and behavior was largely responsible for alternative monitoring and males are more prone to be unfaithful. I find the study particularly interesting because in the

Business Analysis of Coca Cola International company Research Paper

Business Analysis of Coca Cola International company - Research Paper Example By 1896, Coca-Cola successfully spread across the American border to Canada, Hawaii and Mexico. It is a multi-billion dollar company which is operating in more than 200 countries and offering more than 3,500 beverages. It is recognized as the world`s best known brand and has the world`s largest distribution network. Its products are the most widely known and most commonly used in the entire world. It has such a widespread network that the consumers enjoy Coca-Cola’s products at a rate of more than 300 million servings per day. It has subsidiaries and franchises in every country where it is operating. Coca-Cola is also the leading cola drink in the beverage industry throughout the world (Coca-Cola Company, n.d.). The mission of Coca-Cola is to create value for all the shareholders, customers and stakeholder by creating superior value and making profitable relations with the customers as well. Their mission is to â€Å"To refresh the world...to inspire moments of optimism and h appiness... and to create value and make a difference.† They try to refresh the world by using the advantage that they have as being the world’s largest beverage company. Coca-Cola develops high quality beverages, which itself creates value for the company and helps strengthen its image, contributing to its overall success. Their vision is to work on every aspect of their company in order to achieve sustainable growth. The primary stakeholders of Coca-Cola include employees, customers, partners, society, shareholders and the company itself. They believe that in order to be successful, they must look ahead and plan for the future, using the resources in the most efficient way. Its product, satisfied customers, excellent leadership and, most importantly, a strong brand name further contribute to the overall success of this company (â€Å"Mission, Vision & Values†, n.d.) Porter`s five forces are a set of forces formulated by Michael E. Porter who proposed that strat egies of any company are formulated based on the threat of potential entrants and substitute products, the bargaining power of both buyers and sellers prevailing in the market, as well as the level of rivalry among competitors (Daft & Lane, 2009, p. 196). The amount of capital required by any soft drink company is really high, which acts as a barrier to entry for new entrants. Also, Coca-Cola has such a strong brand name with a huge amount spent on selling and promotion. In order to maintain its market share, Coca-Cola will have to spend a huge amount on advertising to ensure that its message is being carried forward to its customers all over the world. This is also one of the ways through which this company can compete with its rival companies, especially Pepsi. Coca-Cola and Pepsi dominate the soft drink industry and therefore, Coco-Cola will have to come up with new ideas in order to compete effectively and maintain its position in the market. The pricing done by this company wil l also depend on the type of market, whether it is customer oriented or seller oriented. SWOT Analysis: Strengths: The biggest strength that Coca-Cola has is its Coke itself. It has been able to maintain its original taste for years and this is the reason why its customers are always loyal. It has the strongest brand across the globe with a brand equity of over $50 billion. The quality and taste are the major strengths of Coca-Cola and one of the reasons for its overall success. In order to main

HISTORY From Poverty to Social Exclusion Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

HISTORY From Poverty to Social Exclusion - Essay Example (NEW YORK TIMES 1909) A wealthy businessman, Seebohm Rowntree is well known for his in depth analysis of poverty. When concentrating on this particular time period, he stated that in the 1890s, it was low wages that was the major cause of poverty in Great Britain (ROWNTREE 2008). The problem of unemployment was especially important in bringing about poverty in late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. "More than one-quarter of the years from 1834 to 1911 were plagued by high levels of cyclical unemployment". If a worker was unemployed for more than a couple of weeks, he would find himself in economic distress, and would have to look for government support. (BOYER 2004) A very important factor that led to poverty was widowhood. In case of the death of a husband, women were generally left without any earning family member to support them. This problem arose because at the time, it was not as easy for women to get a job as it is today. The opportunity to get a job for women was easy in the textile centers of the country, but was negligible in the mining and industrial towns. In these areas, therefore, women became victims of acute poverty when left without husbands.

Buddhism As A Path To Enlightenment

Buddhism As A Path To Enlightenment Buddhism is not about God or Gods, it does not supply a theory about what may happen in the afterlife, nor does it express views about creation; it is based in the world of daily living. Most religions have deep theoretical foundations they are built upon, and most people within such religions have faith that the theory is true. Buddhism does not address theories; it does not agree or disagree with any religion, but rather acknowledges religion as a means to live in a positive manner. Buddhism is about enlightening the person, regaining the compassion and wisdom inside, thus resulting in freedom from suffering. Buddhism is about living a life of peaceful serenity. Originating in a region near India over two-thousand years ago, Buddhism is becoming a religion that is revered and practiced worldwide. Buddhist spirituality is viewed as something from within, an innate goodness in all humans that has been lost can now be found through practice and meditation. Buddhists must motivate themselves, and rely on their own efforts, not those of a charismatic leader. If followers of the Buddha began to revere the man, they would become distracted from their task impeding spiritual progress. Mark W. Muesse, a professor of religious studies, reveals, Buddhist spirituality promotes a form of life that provides an antidote to the stresses of modern living. As a counterpoint to the haste and hurry, the noise and confusion of this world, Buddhism prescribes a life of quietness and tranquility, a life of contemplation and gentle awareness. (Muesse, 2002). Buddhists may have come from a variety of religions; for example, Christian, Jewish, Hindu, Muslim, and Atheism. To find true wisdom and compassion is to see the world as it really is, and live life without being the center of the whole. To be s uccessful, Buddhism teaches a person to actively practice, and work to channel the mindset of self-centeredness into one of compassion. Buddhism originated in India around the sixth or fourth centuries BCE, and is based on the teachings of also referred to as the Buddha. (Muesse, 2002). Siddharthas journey to find truth, spirituality, and learn how to solve the problems of suffering, led him to extensive meditations. Over a period of about seven years, he endured exhaustion and starvation while experimenting with various meditations searching for enlightenment, but made no progress. On the verge of death due to fatigue, he finally rested, had a nutritious meal, and then decided to meditate again until he found the answer to suffering. As the sky began to lighten following day, he too felt illuminated, happy, and relieved; after seven years of searching, Siddhartha reached the state of enlightenment. He then realized that in order to become enlightened, he must keep himself healthy so his mind would be fit. He set forth to teach others, regardless of caste, his enlightenment, the method of the Four Noble Truths and the Eightfold Path. Siddhartha traveled from city to city teaching the importance of not losing ones self by allowing passions to consume, but rather exis t without indulging in selfish cravings, leaving one free to be happy. (Simpkins Simpkins, 2000). (Armstrong, 2001). The Four Noble Truths of Buddhism and the Eightfold Path are the starting points for all Buddhist variations. This doctrine is Buddhas (Siddharthas) diagnosis and prescription for treating human suffering and finding true happiness. (Simpkins Simpkins, 2000). Noble Truth one: Life Is Suffering. Birth is suffering, illness is suffering, aging is suffering, and death is suffering. When a person looks at life realistically, it is full of fleeting happiness followed by inevitable sorrow, the years go by faster, and faster, it is a no-exit path to death. Even when things seem to be at their best, it is not completely satisfying. People have come to want more and more from life and that is the core of the problem, egocentric desire. This is Buddhas diagnosis. (Simpkins Simpkins, 2000). Noble Truth two: The Root of Suffering. Egocentric desires are the root of suffering; the selfish grasping after pleasures and evasion of pain. Self-centered yearnings can never truly be fulfilled, leaving behind feelings of irritation, frustration, and even anger. Anger is one of the main reasons for causing distress to others; it also will cause suffering within. People constantly engage in actions that cause anguish, either directly or indirectly. (Simpkins Simpkins, 2000). Noble Truth three: You Can End Suffering. Knowing that going beyond suffering is possible through internal transformation is the point of this truth. Suffering and the causes of suffering are dependant on a persons state of mind, therefore, by changing the way one perceives the world mentally, also changes the amount of suffering incurred. (Simpkins Simpkins, 2000). Noble Truth four: The Eightfold Path. This is the prescription, a means to find freedom from suffering. People can end their suffering and dilemmas by controlling the body and mind in a positive manner to help others instead of doing them harm, and by creating mental wisdom. Once this renewal is complete, a person can enjoy the state of Nirvana, free of problems. This is the path leading to the mental transformation, and cessation of suffering. The Eightfold Path is a guide meant to help people work out their difficulties, become liberated from suffering, and come across happiness. Right Views is the first step on this path to discover happiness. Once a person understands what is wrong and becomes familiarized with the transformation process, gaining the knowledge of what will need to be accomplished in order to achieve success, they will be pointed in the right direction. Right Intention is the second step. A person has to feel this is really what they want to do, and be willing to maintain this commitment along their journey. Dedication to this endeavor is necessary to become successful. The third step is Right Speech, meaning a person needs to listen to what is said, how it was said, and why it was said. Curbing the use of negative intonations, and derogatory remarks will contribute to the positivity inside instead of nourishing the negativity inside. Awareness and self-examination can help a person communicate in a more positive, harmonious way. Right Conduct is the fourth step, encouraging a person to be aware of their motives, as well as their conduct. Upon self-observation, a person may become aware of unconscious actions that incur negativity. Then reflect on those negative actions, discover the motivation, and work towards positive actions. The fifth step on the path to enlightenment is Right Livelihood. Most people spend the majority of their lives working; find inner peace in a positive occupation. A person working in a negative environment acquires negative feelings. These negative feelings can become overwhelming, and then aimed in the direction of others, in turn causing suffering. Right Effort is the sixth step. By exerting positive effort, a person will begin to notice positive changes within their life. Right effort also means to pace ones self; do not over examine every word said or action taken, as this can become disturbing over a short period of time. The seventh step is Right Tho ught. This step lends confidence in taming the mind. Thoughts, feelings, and sensations are erratic, and short-lived. Simpkins explained this simply, The concrete sense people have of themselves is merely a series of experiences that seem to blend together into one. In reality, the ego is nothing more than this series of experiences. (Simpkins Simpkins, 2000, p.56). Right Concentration is the final step on the Eightfold Path to enlightenment. In this step, a person pulls together the skills learned from each of the previous steps and places them into the practice of meditation. Meditation, concentrated awareness, allows a person to see through the illusions, seeing the world as it really is, a direct perception. (Simpkins Simpkins, 2000). All religions incorporate meditations in with their faith in one form or another; such as prayer, reciting mantras, all the way to induced states wherein visions are seen, gibberish is spoken in the language of tongues, or voices are heard, which are usually the deities, spirits, or other supernatural beings for that particular religion. Buddhist meditations are different. Francis Story points out, The Christian who has seen Jesus, or the Hindu who has conversed with Bhagavan Krishna may be quite satisfied that he has fulfilled the purpose of his religious life, but the Buddhist who sees a vision of the Buddha knows by that very fact that he has only succeeded in objectifying a concept in his own mind. (Story, 1995-2010). Buddhists embrace two distinct types of meditation: dhyana, meditation that clears the mind, and prajna, meditation that fills the mind. Usually these two meditations are performed together. Several variations of Buddhist meditations exist today, some methods are fo r developing mindfulness and concentration, yet others focus on breathing and visualizations. Meditation enhances awareness, and by being aware, one becomes wise. Meditation also calms the mind, allowing a person to feel at ease while reflecting upon life with positive focus. The discipline that Buddhist meditations establishes in a person can be applied to life situations; it teaches clear thinking without bias, and concentration so the mind will be able focus intently on any given situation. Buddhism is a religion based on real life without theorizing about things that can never be solidified. It is a religion that holds no bias toward any other religion, nor do many other religions hold a bias for Buddhism. The doctrines within Buddhism urges the need for humanity to become humane again, to let go of selfish desires, negative intentions, and be thoughtful of all. Experiences, and a persons reactions to them, create the ambience of the path of life a person leads. Buddhism is the embodiment of peaceful existence in a world that has become wrought with despair and suffering.

Photography in Flux Essay -- Digital Photography Pictures Technology E

Photography in Flux It is no secret that digital photography is very rapidly finding a niche in modem society, in both the professional realm as well as in the home. The advent of newer, faster, and more embellished technologies have placed the power of photographic production in the hands of the common person. An art form that formerly was left to the charge of few skilled professionals has been forever changed by these technologies. Certainly, this evolution of sorts has its strengths as well as its drawbacks. What advantages does a photographer have with digital technology that he or she might not have with a traditional camera? What are the disadvantages? And what does this technology mean for the future of the photography trade? First, what exactly is the fundamental technological difference between digital photography and conventional film? In Tom Ang's The Art of Digital Photography, he says that "the key difference is the light-sensitive medium used to capture the image" (10). Okay. Well what does that mean? Images in traditional film are created when "silver salts suspended in the emulsion convert the amount of light falling on them into a latent image" (Ang 10). When film is developed, the chemical processes that occur magnify the changes to produce a viewable image. By contrast, digital cameras have an electronic sensor that converts the light falling on it into an electrical charge, which is then processed by electrical circuitry and turned into a code that can be stored, transported, copied, etc. Advantages Essentially, once an image exists in digital form, it can either be tweaked to adjust even its most indiscernible features or it can be entirely morphed into something altogether different. There ... ...exis.com>. Ippolito, Joseph A. Understanding Digital Photography. Clifton Park, NY: Thomas/Delmar Learning, 2003. Meyer, Pedro. "Traditional Photography vs. Digital Photography." ZoneZero: From Analog to Digital March 1, 2001. 14 Sept. 2004 <http://www.zonezero.com/ editorial/marzoO l /march. html>. Potts, Mary Anne. "Q&A: The Pixel Pro." National Geographic Adventure Magazine June/July 2003. 15 Sept. 2004 <http://www.nationalgeographic.com/adventure/ 0306/gn_a.html>. Sand, Michael L. "Metamorphoses: Photography in the Electronic Age." Aperture 136 (1994): 3. Smurthwaite, Nick. "Faking It." Design Week April 1998: 17-19. LexisNexis Academic. Parks Library, Iowa State U. 15 Sept. 2004 <http://www. lexisnexis.com> Ziegler, Katleen and Nick Greco. Digital Focus: The New Media of Photography. Southampton, Pa.: Dimensional Illustrators, 1997.

Use of Alliteration, Assonance, and Cacophony

Candice Scheffing, a student a New Mexico Tech, not to long ago sent an email to the Clark112-list on the subject of gender. She had analyzed an essay by James Q. Wilson called â€Å"Gender† for his use of rhetorical strategies. Many rhetorical strategies can be seen in the email. The rhetorical strategies that can be found are alliteration, assonance, and cacophony. The major rhetorical strategy that Scheffing used was alliteration. The use of alliteration by Scheffing serves to be quite effective in email because it allows her to point out the use of rhetorical strategies by Wilson in his essay.An example of alliteration used by Scheffing is, â€Å"A number of examples are obvious through the first few paragraphs of the essay† (1). The alliteration can be seen in the words â€Å"first† and â€Å"few. † Another sample of alliteration in Scheffing’s work can be seen in this sentence, â€Å"This reference to nature as having human characteristics is a personification† (1). The use of alliteration in this sentence can be seen in the beginning sounds of â€Å"having† and â€Å"human† that are in a series.A final example of alliteration in Scheffing’s email is, â€Å"This statement seems most disturbing to anyone who would read it because it either doesn’t make sense, or is believed to be completely wrong† (1). The alliteration can be noticed in the series of words; â€Å"statement,† â€Å"seems,† â€Å"who,† and â€Å"would. † The use of alliteration by Scheffing serves as probably her most useful use of rhetorical strategies. Another rhetorical strategy used by Candice is assonance. Assonance does not serve as a major source of rhetorical strategies, but it still is present in her email.The use of assonance keeps the readers attention somewhat because the email begins to sound like a rhyme as it is read. The first example of assonance in Scheffing’s ema il is, â€Å"It becomes interesting that ‘nature’ can ‘play tricks’ on humankind† (1). The use of assonance can be seen in the same sounds of â€Å"nature,† â€Å"play,† â€Å"can,† and â€Å"humankind. † A second example of assonance in the email is, â€Å"Two contrasting words, ‘essential’ and ‘useless’ are in the same sentence referring to the same group of people: males† (Scheffing, 1).The assonance is evident in these sounds of â€Å"same† and â€Å"males. † The third example of assonance I have seen in Scheffing’s email is, â€Å"These three forms of rhetoric, personification, antithesis and logos are each very important keys to the effectiveness of Wilson’s essay† (1). The use of the words â€Å"these,† â€Å"three,† â€Å"rhetoric,† â€Å"forms,† and â€Å"important† serve as examples of assonance in the email. Th e final rhetorical strategy employed by Scheffing is cacophony. Candice Scheffing uses another rhetorical strategy, cacophony, to harshly get her point across in her email.According to the website created by Ross Scaife, â€Å"A Glossary of Rhetorical Terms with Examples,† the meaning of â€Å"Cacophony: [is] harsh joining of sounds† (1). An example of Scheffing’s use of cacophony is, â€Å"It strikes more interest in the reader because they want to discover what Wilson is talking about when he says that males are both ‘essential’ and ‘useless’† (1). Another illustration of cacophony can be seen in this sentence, â€Å"It let’s the reader know that he has done his homework on the subject and is prepared to defend his side of the argument† (1).As shown in the previous example, Scheffing uses harsh sounds such as â€Å"s,† â€Å"d,† â€Å"e,† and â€Å"t† as a way to keep the readers attent ion. Candice Scheffing uses the rhetorical strategies of alliteration, assonance, and cacophony to illustrate her point in her email. The point that Scheffing is trying to prove is that Wilson used rhetorical strategies such as personification, antithesis, and logos in his essay. The use of rhetorical strategies in Scheffing’s email allows her to keep the reader interested in the subject and realize through examples what the subject of her email is all about.

Trace the development of Willie Mossop Essays

Trace the development of Willie Mossop Essays Trace the development of Willie Mossop Essay Trace the development of Willie Mossop Essay Trace the development of Willie Mossop throughout the course of the play. Include the relevant points from each act and try to back up your points with quotations from the text. Hobsons Choice is set in a Bootmakers shop in Victorian England. At this time women were not thought as equals to men and women were not thought to be business-like, but this play defies these facts, as Hobsons daughter, Maggie, a middle class businesswoman runs, the shop and is full of ambition. She certainly knows what she wants in life but this is not what you would expect for a stereotypical Victorian woman. Willie Mossop, Hobsons boothand is quite the opposite from Maggie, as at the beginning of the play Willie is a weak character, very unambitious, very content man. Willie is uneducated, he cannot read or write as he is only a working class citizen, but all this soon changes. Throughout the play we see Willies character develop into an educated business-like man full of ambition, and this is down to Maggie, as she notices his potential and marries him. At the end of the play we see Willie as a definitely changed man, in every respect possible. At the very beginning of Act 1 the audience notices Willies potential when Mrs Hepworth enters the shop. Mrs Hepworth is one of Hobsons upper class customers. Mrs Heoworth humiliates Hobson who assumes she has come to complain about the boots that Willie made, when she asks to see the person who made them. But Hobson is a far cry from right as she actually comes to praise Willie, Mossop, Ive tried every shop in Manchester and these are the best pair of boots I have ever had. From now on, you will make my boots in future Not only does this show Willies potential it also shows how uneducated he is, as when Mrs Hepworth later gives him a card to contact her if he ever leaves Hobsons, he cannot read it.

Free Essays on Cats Cradle

Cat’s Cradle by Kurt Vonnegut Cat’s Cradle is a realistic fantasy that counters every aspect of our culture and satirizes it with many comedic, yet serious elements. It propounds a completely new outlook on life through the eyes of a very enticing and well-rounded character. At the onset of his adventure we learn that he makes a covenant with himself to write a book, and to the end he is dedicated to doing it despite the obstacles that he is faced with. In order to overcome this rude awakening he has to adjust to the environment whose threshold he enters and fit in with the very eccentric people that contrive it. Cat’s Cradle is effective in several different aspects. Its very active main character does a great job of guiding us through the book with his subtle and sly actions, easy to follow narration, and his humanistic characteristics. The plot of the book is unusual, although quite exhilarating. Our ability to understand its unconventional web of ideas is accredited to the main character’ s fascination and involvement in the book. Adding to the suspense and unpredictability of the book, we only find out what the book tells us, and therefore are very dependent on it. This book hits home with all three of these essential criteria and that is why it is a must read for everyone. In Cat’s Cradle the main character is a very fascinating young man named John, whose point of view is intricately and gradually woven as the story progresses. He is an avid writer, who is currently writing a book about the events that occurred in America during the Hiroshima bombing. He is specifically interested in the Hoennikker family, and his devious method of retrieving valuable information for his story, turns into a vivid adventure full of exciting and unusual experiences. He is obviously a very intriguing character, not only due to his striking intelligence but also because of his other interests, like women. Many males can relate to a char... Free Essays on Cat's Cradle Free Essays on Cat's Cradle Cat’s Cradle by Kurt Vonnegut Cat’s Cradle is a realistic fantasy that counters every aspect of our culture and satirizes it with many comedic, yet serious elements. It propounds a completely new outlook on life through the eyes of a very enticing and well-rounded character. At the onset of his adventure we learn that he makes a covenant with himself to write a book, and to the end he is dedicated to doing it despite the obstacles that he is faced with. In order to overcome this rude awakening he has to adjust to the environment whose threshold he enters and fit in with the very eccentric people that contrive it. Cat’s Cradle is effective in several different aspects. Its very active main character does a great job of guiding us through the book with his subtle and sly actions, easy to follow narration, and his humanistic characteristics. The plot of the book is unusual, although quite exhilarating. Our ability to understand its unconventional web of ideas is accredited to the main character’ s fascination and involvement in the book. Adding to the suspense and unpredictability of the book, we only find out what the book tells us, and therefore are very dependent on it. This book hits home with all three of these essential criteria and that is why it is a must read for everyone. In Cat’s Cradle the main character is a very fascinating young man named John, whose point of view is intricately and gradually woven as the story progresses. He is an avid writer, who is currently writing a book about the events that occurred in America during the Hiroshima bombing. He is specifically interested in the Hoennikker family, and his devious method of retrieving valuable information for his story, turns into a vivid adventure full of exciting and unusual experiences. He is obviously a very intriguing character, not only due to his striking intelligence but also because of his other interests, like women. Many males can relate to a char...

Culture's impact on a leader Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2000 words

Culture's impact on a leader - Essay Example Notwithstanding this observation, Venezuela could also benefit from being a collectivistic society compared to Germany’s individualistic. In the interview conducted with the colleague from Venezuela, people in this country tend to measure success based on the quality of life as opposed to personal achievements. The results from this interview were confirmed by Hofstede’s results whereby the level of individualism in Venezuela is a low 12, meaning it is more of a collectivistic society. As a result, a leader in Venezuela understands that their success will be determined mainly by the impact they cause on others. In contrast, Germany is individualistic and tends to elevate competition. Being a German, the result is factual and has been backed by Hofstede’s 67 scores.Mostly, a leader in Venezuela could be limited if they do not understand that the power distance is high, meaning employees might not freely relate with them. Consequently, the concerns and opinions rai sed by the workers might not be taken seriously. On the other hand, the Germans can help their leader because of the interaction boosted by the culture of equality. Nonetheless, the Germans’ tendency to be individualistic might be detrimental to teamwork when competition becomes a norm. A high individualistic society tends to care primarily for close relatives alone specifically parents and spouses compared to a collectivistic one. Therefore, the level of success for leaders in both Venezuela and Germany will significantly depend on their understanding of how culture influences effectiveness.

Construction Law (Agency) Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Construction Law (Agency) - Assignment Example If certain guidelines of the law were over-stepped, Dick can/could be assessed as having committed a Fraud or Theft by Deception with his dealings. In fact, if Costcutters knew that Dick would be representing ‘Dick’s Dealings’ in a manner that might imply Dick was still in-charge, Costcutters may be investigated for perhaps a criminal theft conspiracy. (Barrett v. Dere) In any event, Barrett v. Dere would be a good starting point if more information about Costcutters knowledge and the liability, although the contract between Dick and Costcutters was breached by Dick’s failure to stay under spending limits and pocketing the difference (hiding the profit), seems to point towards ‘Implied Authority’ for Dick making Costcutters liable. Question #2 Dick does have the right to engage the Architect since the ‘representation element by the Principal’ is written very clear for all to see; Dick’s Dealings. ... Question #3 The courts must find there is an agency agreement between Dick and Costcutters. The agency was sold (suggesting an exchange of money) which explicitly implies a contract. Costcutters gave Dick a job title (General Manager) and his agreement with Costcutters, though maybe even oral, is a contract nevertheless. If Dick’s contract suggest immediate termination in case of breach, the ‘reasonable amount of time for communicating this to Dick has not been met. Egregious behavior has not been addressed so it is a non sequitur. The Tripartite agreement maintains that Costcutters can be sued leaving room for an open suit directed at Dick which cannot stand on merit. The Principal-Costcutters-own the responsibility though the name, ‘Dick’s Dealings’ tends toward the opposite. It is in this purchase and facilitation where Costcutters is at fault. Costcutters enabled these transactions by default once they bought the name ‘Dick’s Dealings ’ and worked to make a profit from it using Dick as a named associate (General Manager). Dick may be sued but the direction of liability, according to the rules given, lay at the feet of